Death to Tyrants!: Ancient Greek Democracy and the Struggle by David A. Teegarden

By David A. Teegarden

Dying to Tyrants! is the 1st complete research of historic Greek tyrant-killing legislation--laws that explicitly gave members incentives to "kill a tyrant." David Teegarden demonstrates that the traditional Greeks promulgated those legislation to harness the dynamics of mass uprisings and look after renowned democratic rule within the face of anti-democratic threats. He offers specified old and sociopolitical analyses of every legislations and considers various concerns: what's the nature of an anti-democratic possibility? How may a variety of provisions of the legislation aid pro-democrats counter these threats? And did the legislation work?

Teegarden argues that tyrant-killing laws facilitated pro-democracy mobilization either through encouraging courageous contributors to strike the 1st blow opposed to a nondemocratic regime and through convincing others that it was once secure to keep on with the tyrant killer's lead. Such laws therefore deterred anti-democrats from staging a coup by means of making sure that they'd be beaten through their numerically more desirable competitors. Drawing on smooth social technological know-how versions, Teegarden seems to be at how the establishment of public legislations impacts the habit of people and teams, thereby exploring the root of democracy's endurance within the historical Greek international. He additionally offers the 1st English translation of the tyrant-killing legislation from Eretria and Ilion.

By interpreting an important historic Greek tyrant-killing laws, demise to Tyrants! explains how sure legislation enabled electorate to attract on collective energy to be able to shield and guard their democracy within the face of stimulated competition.

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Extra info for Death to Tyrants!: Ancient Greek Democracy and the Struggle against Tyranny

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20 According to Kuran (1991: 20n34), the term “pluralistic ignorance” was first used in print by Richard Schanck (1932: 101). 24 | C h apt e r 1 rational (and safer) for every individual to suppose that other individuals— despite the fact that they are adamantly opposed to the regime—will engage in public dissent only if a rather large percentage of the population has already done so. As a result, nobody publicly opposes the regime, because each person thinks that an insufficient number of people will follow him.

Sic. 5). There is some controversy over the content of that decree. But it almost certainly called for the selection of thirty men both to craft new laws and to act as a provisional government until a new, permanent constitution was established. On the decree of Drakontides, see Rhodes (1993: 434–35); Ostwald (1986: 476–78); Krentz (1982: 50). 4 Eventually, Thrasyboulos had a sufficient number of men and the necessary confidence to march to the Piraeus, where he was joined by the “whole dēmos” (Ath.

Myst. 96–98. , in 410–409) and that Aiantis, the tribe in prytany when the decree of Demophantos was promulgated, held the first prytany of that year. The Decree of Demophantos | 31 δυνατὸς ὦ, ὃς ἂν καταλύσῃ τὴν δημοκρατίαν τὴν Ἀθήνησι, καὶ ἐάν τις ἄρξῃ τιν᾿ ἀρχὴν καταλελυμένης τῆς δημοκρατίας τὸ λοιπόν, καὶ ἐάν τις τυραννεῖν ἐπαναστῇ ἢ τὸν τύραννον συγκαταστήσῃ. καὶ ἐάν τις ἄλλος ἀποκτείνῃ, ὅσιον αὐτὸν νομιῶ εἶναι καὶ πρὸς θεῶν καὶ δαιμόνων, ὡς πολέμιον κτείναντα τὸν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τὰ κτήματα τοῦ ἀποθανόντος πάντα ἀποδόμενος ἀποδώσω τὰ ἡμίσεα τῷ ἀποκτείναντι [καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ καὶ ψήφῳ], καὶ οὐκ ἀποστερήσω οὐδέν.

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