By Sanford M. Jacoby
It's not a truly lengthy e-book, however it encompasses a lot of knowledge and perception. i assume this is the reason an instructional jury offered it the Taft Prize for exertions heritage. The publication is all approximately how american businesses--three specifically: Sears, Thompson, and Kodak--used refined welfare capitalist ideas (and the occasional hotel to brass-knuckle strategies) to defeat union organizing drives. There are attention-grabbing glimpses at enterprise heritage, collective bargaining, the evolution of worker merits, and a dollop of work economics thrown in for reliable degree during this paintings. The writing is on the market, well-documented, and brimful of well-chosen anecdotes with no being unduly folksy or slangy. The depictions of ways Sears corporation officers and employees hard work kinfolk execs labored hand-in-glove with pretend corporation unions and the Teamsters (!?) to blunt the CIO's organizing efforts in the course of and after global conflict II are fairly sturdy. i've got rated this at five stars since it was once a worthwhile learn and that i inspiration the (somewhat insufficient) 1 superstar assessment needs to be offset.
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Extra info for Modern Manors
56 Initially, that very concern brought together the firms constituting the SCC and similar organizations. But as the 1920s wore on and labor unrest receded, broad visions faded away. Employers who maintained their commitment to welfare capitalism did so less out of a fear of unrest than a conviction that it paid. George F. Johnson of Endicott-Johnson said, “Democracy in industry is possible and it’s good business,” while Julius Rosenwald of Sears Roebuck put it more bluntly: “Don’t imagine that anything we do for our people .
Meanwhile, employer paternalism contradicted the citizenship ideals informing employee representation. These tensions—between authority and democracy, efficiency and community—would strain industrial relations in progressive companies for years to come. Before World War I, companies like Henry Dennison’s constituted a distinct minority within American industry. Although numerous employers adopted welfare work programs, few combined them with systematic personnel administration, and fewer still had company unions.
The theory also revealed what many saw as the Achilles heel of company unionism: its inability to tolerate aggressive wage bargaining. Senator Robert F. ”3 With welfare capitalism’s legitimacy shaken by the Depression and labor’s reawakening, some corporatists—including Mary Follett and Arthur H. Young—were drawn to statist, even fascist, models of integrative unity. Others remained sympathetic to the vision of the 1920s. Yet the farsighted among M O D E R N I Z I N G W E L FA R E C A P I TA L I S M 37 them understood that welfare capitalism would have to change.