By Noyes, Enoch
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Also furthering our understanding of the cultural implications of social relations is Gina Porter and Fergus Lyon’s chapter. Drawing on extensive ﬁeldwork with a variety of development initiatives in Ghana, Porter and Lyon explore the role of civil society groups in development and critically engage with the development studies literature on social capital. While the latter emphasizes the virtues of citizen groups (in generating trust and empowerment), local development practitioners highlight the role of culturally deﬁned Culture in development thinking • 27 1111 2 3 41 5 6 7 8 91 10 1 2 31 4 5 6 7 8111 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 40 1 4211 sanctions and shame in maintaining group cohesion.
Social capital conﬁrms “a growing body of evidence that incorporating the poor into the design and implementation of . . projects” (World Bank cited in Harriss 2002: 94). In turn, social capital – networks, associations, norms, and values – must be identiﬁed, used, invested in, and enabled. There are perfectly good reasons for assuming that the critical tradition within the genealogy of social capital – the work of Pierre Bourdieu (1980) or the research of Peter Evans (1996) to take two examples – has been evacuated or lost as it is has been “domesticated” within the Bank.
One is the World Bank’s annual compendium (the World Development Report) of statistical data typically organized around a policy theme – the environment, service provision, inequality. The production of these reports is complex and multifaceted, and often contested as the infamous (and public) debate over the 2000 Attacking Poverty report revealed. But in general it is clear that the Bank privileges national accounts data and a raft of conventional economic measures (GNP, GDP, and so on). The measures (World Bank Indicators) are typically deployed in normative terms to serve the interests of a particular vision of development in which free markets and economic growth ﬁgure centrally.